The ongoing protests against the hijab in Iran have now reached an important stage. It is reported that in Iran it has been decided to dissolve the units of the 'Moral Police'.
The job of this policy was to enforce the Islamic dress code, which includes the hijab. According to the news coming in the media, the Attorney General of the country has given this information. But believe the news published by BBC, 'Attorney General Mohammad Jafar Montageri's comment has not yet been confirmed by other agencies, he has given this statement in a program on Sunday.'
The report said Iran has seen months of protests over the death of a young woman in custody. Mahsa Amini was detained by the Morality Police for breaking the strict rule of covering the head. Montague was at a religious conference when he was asked whether the morality police were being disbanded.
He said, 'The morality police had nothing to do with the judiciary and has been stopped from where it was established. Its control rests with the Ministry of Interior and not with the judiciary.
On Saturday, Montagueri also told the Iranian parliament that a law requiring women to wear the hijab would be considered, the BBC reported. Even if the morality police is abolished, it does not mean that the decades-old law will be changed.
Since the death of 22-year-old Amini in custody on September 16, three days after her arrest by morality police in Tehran, women-led protests have been called riots by the authorities.
The girl's death was a catalyst for the unrest, but the discontent is also fueled by poverty, unemployment, inequality, injustice, and corruption, the BBC reports. if morality
If the abolition of the police is confirmed, it will be a concession, but there is no guarantee that it will be enough to stop the protests.
Iran has had various forms of 'morality police' since the Islamic Revolution of 1979, but the latest version, formally known as Gasht-e-Irshad, is currently the only police force enforcing Iran's Islamic code of conduct. Main agency.
The BBC reported that they began their patrols in 2006 to enforce the dress code, which forbids women from wearing shorts, ripped jeans, and other immodest clothing.
Is something big about to happen in Iran?
The social movement that started in Iran on September 16 is so big that experts are scared. Everyone is waiting. Everyone recognizes that something unexpected is happening behind closed doors in Iran and the courage shown by the protesters is unprecedented.
The question is, who are these protesters, what is their connection to Iran, and what impact could their rebellion have on the beleaguered regime's foreign policy?
The rebel generation born around 2000 is hungry for freedom, according to Dr. Theo Nansin, an expert working on the restructuring of international balance in the Middle East and Central Asia at the Catholic Institute of Paris, according to his views published in PTI. This desire is so great that they seem prepared to accept the consequences of any rebellion against the regime in Tehran. As of this writing, there have been 448 deaths and nearly 15,000 arrests in the demonstrations.
According to Dr. Nensin, 'Unlike their elders (more fearful of the consequences of rebellion against the regime, and whose rebellions, like the 'Green Movement' of 2009, were still within the political framework of the Islamic Republic), these young The generation seems ready to pay a heavy price in the name of its ideals.
Nansen believes that the effect of social networks on their ability to engage with the world, and the restrictions they feel there compared to the freedom enjoyed by their peers in other parts of the world, is undoubtedly one of those reasons. It is difficult to estimate the long-term effects of the current movement. However, the socio-political situation in Iran will likely change.
The magnitude of the rebellion is such that even if it is completely crushed (at the cost of several thousand victims like the 'Iranian Tiananmen'), the mode of coexistence between the regime and the population will be significantly affected. These demonstrations are increasing day by day. Unlike previous generations, the youth dare to hold their representatives accountable.
Khamenei's ideological legacy is a distant one for these young adults now entering active life, who, apart from the 1979 Revolution, have known neither the war against Iraq (1980–1988), nor the mobilization of families, Neither the bombardment of cities nor the fierce repression that followed. Another trend reinforces this generational change. As the French Islamist Olivier Roy predicted in the 1990s, the establishment of a regime based on religion in Tehran has, paradoxically, contributed to the secularization of Iranian society.
The "Asianization" of Foreign Policy
The "Asianization" of Iran's Foreign Policy This development of society-power relations in Iran cannot be fully understood in its proper measure without taking into account the geopolitical context within it. However, in matters of foreign policy, Iran's approach has been towards "Asianization" for many years. The geopolitical situation in the Middle East is centered around two opposing poles.
One is formed by Iran and its Shiite-majority regional allies, the other is the anti-Iranian coalition led by the US, Israel, and Saudi Arabia. This process of "Asianization" led to Iran's membership in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO).
However, beyond establishing a militia presence in Iraq and Lebanon and aligning with the Bashar al-Assad regime in Syria and the Houthi rebels in Yemen, this strategy has not brought Iran the expected economic benefits. All of these countries are bankrupt or in ruins, and it is unlikely that the alliance will achieve any significant dominance in the medium term.
The Russian military's use of Iranian-made drones in Ukraine proves that strategic cooperation between the two countries is at an advanced level and that the powers in Tehran and Moscow are on the same page in the name of confronting the West at the instigation of China. moving in the direction.
This new Eurasian activity is also giving rise to a proliferation of diplomatic initiatives by Iran on a continental scale with other important partners, such as Turkey, India, Pakistan, and the Soviet republics.
Iran's involvement in major Chinese (Belt and Road Initiative, BRI) and Russian-Indian (International North-South Transport Corridor, INSTC) infrastructure projects reflects the Iranian leaders' desire to link the country's development to a network of intercontinental connectivity which is slowly taking shape outside western control.
Even after facing four decades of isolation, the Iranian regime, once a "pariah" to the East as well as the West, is proving to be a respectable and worthy partner for the Eurasian continent in light of current geopolitical circumstances.
Heading towards Chinese-style social control?
But what is the relationship between this geopolitical shift and the protest movement? Right now both activities are emerging in different ways. The rebellion has emerged from a generational and secular transition.
In contrast, the "Look East" policy is a priority for the regime, which has an interest in strengthening its ties with China and Russia. Along with this, there is also a possibility of increasing cooperation with these countries in the field of new technologies (artificial intelligence, face recognition, algorithms).
The winds of Chinese-style social control are hovering over Iran. The fact is that a system of social control, however effective it may be, can only be effective if it instills fear in the population. However, the wall of fear in Iran seems to be slowly crumbling.
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