Why does US President Barack Obama lose sleep over Pakistan? Is it  because of the possibility that one day some angry general may not give  in to the temptation of knocking more than a few heads and decide to  hand over one or more of the bombs to a Mullah Omar or a Haqqani, asks  veteran diplomat Rajiv Dogra in his new book: "Where Borders Bleed: An  Insider's Account of Indo-Pakistan Relations (Rupa/296 pp/Rs.360)
Excerpts:
Actor  George Clooney recalls in an interview in the December 2012 issue of  Esquire magazine: I talked with the President (Obama) at one of those  fundraisers some months back, and I asked him, 'What keeps you up at  night?'
And he said, 'Everything. Everything that gets to my desk  is a critical mass. If it gets to my desk, then no one else could have  handled it.'
So I said, 'So what's the one that keeps you up at night?'
He goes, 'There are quite a few.'
So I go, 'What's the one? Period.'
And he says, 'Pakistan.'
Do  Indian leaders lose any sleep because of Pakistan? There is nothing in  the public domain to suggest that they do. However, one thing is  certain, and it is this that Indian leaders lose no opportunity in  convincing the world at large that they have no ill-will towards  Pakistan, and that a prosperous and stable Pakistan is in India's  interest. They also go on to say that they would do all they can to help  promote stability in Pakistan.
How exactly will they help, and  what form India's help would assume, is never clarified. Nor is the fact  taken into consideration that help by India would be seen as the kiss  of death for anyone in Pakistan who receives or agrees to receive such  assistance, be it a political party or an individual.
On the  other hand, if the desire is to shore up Pakistan economically by cash  transfers, it will be well worth recalling the US experience. Its  billions have disappeared without trace, and without any stabilizing  effect, in a bottomless pit called Pakistan.
Therefore critics of  a realistic persuasion have often asked, 'Is Pakistan an Indian  responsibility? Or is it a dangerous distraction?'
Political  scientist and economist Francis Fukuyama wrote in his book State  Building, 'Weak and failing states have become the single most important  problem for international order.' Fukuyama may or may not have had  Pakistan in view as the perfect model for his conclusion, but the vast  body of international writing on Pakistan has consistently maintained  that Pakistan is weak as a society and failing as a state.
There  is no indication so far that Pakistan would, at any identifiable future  date, be able to put in place a system that delivers efficiently and  reasonably transparently. Nor is there any sign that the massive effort  required to industrialize the country is about to begin in the immediate  future. Without the necessary wherewithal of job creation, the large  numbers of unemployed youth will take the only option available to them.  And that is the path of terror. There is no antidote that India can  provide to prevent that from happening.
In fact India's equanimity in the face of a very grim situation surprises observers.
The  US worries endlessly about a nuclear bomb that Iran is nowhere close to  possessing. It fought two wars with Iraq on the suspicion that there  were weapons of mass destruction in its basement. The US' treatment of  Libya bordered on impetuous brutality despite the fact that it had  already forced Muammar Gaddafi to dismantle the nuclear process that was  still in a nascent stage. And the US keeps worrying about the  trigger-happy Pakistani generals and their arsenal of hundred-plus  nuclear bombs. But the US sits thousands of kilometres away, well out of  the reach of Pakistan's nuclear delivery systems.
So, is Obama  right to have sleepless nights over Pakistan? Given all the information  at his disposal, he may have many reasons to be worried. A principal one  could be the unpredictability of the Pakistani generals. No one is  denying the fact that they are solid, professional army men. But if they  can commit atrocities of the type they did in (what is now) Bangladesh,  and continue to do in Baluchistan, and if they gloat over 9/11 and  26/11, who and what can stop an angry general from ordering a nuclear  strike? 
The record shows that they are prone to using violent means.  Look, for instance, at the number of wars they have dragged Pakistan  into. If you count the two Afghan wars and the continuing terror  enterprise, then Pakistan has fought a major war in every decade of its  existence; sometimes even two wars simultaneously. 
Or look at the  number of coups it has had over the years. No other major country is  held to ransom as whimsically as Pakistan is by its volatile generals.
Therefore,  if they are happy providers for the likes of Mullah Omar, and long-time  protectors of terror icons like Osama bin Laden, what is the guarantee  that one day some angry general may not give in to the temptation of  knocking more than a few heads and decide to hand over one or more of  the bombs to a Mullah Omar or a Haqqani?
(Rajiv Dogra has served  as India's consul general in Karachi and as ambassador to Romania and  Italy. He can be contacted at ambraja@gmail.com)
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